Frankfurt School

Study of the Frankfurt School and Cultural Marxist philosophy which now controls Western intellectualism, politics, and culture. It was by design; it was created by an internationalist intelligentsia to eradicate Western values, social systems, and European racial groups in a pre-emptive attempt to spark global, communist (think liberal) revolution.

Herbert Marcuse taught me that it was possible to be an academic, an activist, a scholar, and a revolutionary.

In the days following the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, it was believed that a Workers’ Revolution would sweep into Europe and, eventually, into the United States. It failed to do so. Towards the end of 1922, the Communist International (Comintern) began to consider the reasons for this failure. On Lenin’s initiative, a meeting was organised at the Marx-Engels Institute in Moscow. The aim of the meeting was to throw light on the meaning of Marx’s Cultural Revolution. What did “cultural revolution” entail? What was it all about?

I want a culture of pessimism … a world abandoned by God.

First, among those present, was Georg Lukács, a Hungarian aristocrat and son of a banker. He had become a Communist during World War I. A Marxist theoretician, he had developed the idea of “Revolution and Eros” — sexual instinct used as an instrument of destruction. Willi Münzenberg, another revolutionary whose proposed solution to the problems besetting society was “to organise the intellectuals and use them to make Western civilisation stink. Only then, after they have corrupted all its values and made life impossible, can we impose the dictatorship of the proletariat.”.

It was a meeting more harmful to Western civilisation than the Bolshevik Revolution itself.

Lenin died in 1924, but by that time Stalin had risen to power and was beginning to look on Willi Munzenberg, George Lukács and other revolutionaries (like Trotsky) as dangerous Marxist “revisionists”, introducing concepts into Marxism that were alien to Marxism and which served only a anti-white agenda. In June 1940, on Stalin’s orders, Münzenberg was hunted down to the south of France by a NKVD assassination squad and hanged from a tree. In the summer of 1924, after being attacked for his writings by the Fifth Comintern Congress, Lukács moved to Germany. Here he chaired the first meeting of a group of Communist oriented sociologists. This gathering was to lead to the foundation of the Frankfurt School.

This “School”, designed to put flesh on their revolutionary program, was started at the University of Frankfurt in the Institut für Sozialforschung. To begin with, school and institute were indistinguishable. In 1923, the Institute had been officially established, and funded by Felix Weil (1898-1975). Weil, born in Argentina into a wealthy family, was sent to attend school in Germany at the age of nine. He attended the universities in Tübingen and Frankfurt, where he graduated with a doctoral degree in political science. While at these universities he became increasingly interested in socialism and Marxism.

Carl Grünberg, the Institute’s director from 1923-1929, was an avowed Marxist, although the Institute did not have any official party affiliations. But in 1930 Max Horkheimer assumed control. He believed that Marx’s theory should be the basis of the Institute’s research. Critical Theory was a precursor to Cultural Nihilism and Critical Race Theory (otherwise know as White Privilege) and later Critical Religious Theory.

Members of the Frankfurt School

When Hitler came to power, the Institute was closed and its members, by various routes, fled to the United States and ended up as academics at major US universities: Columbia, Princeton, Brandeis, and California at Berkeley. The German-American academic Herbert Marcuse spent time working for the Frankfurt School. He maintained that the ideals of Western civilisation sedated people into acceptance of their inauthentic place: cogs in the machine of oppressive capitalism. In his book, Eros and Civilisation (1955), Marcuse drew together the ideas of Marx and Freud to demand a non-repressive society, liberated from traditional moral norms. Demanding political liberation and sexual liberation proved to be a mesmerising combination, which fuelled many student protests during the 1960s. Marcuse’s Repressive Tolerance (1965) claimed that the current state of society justified “strongly discriminatory tolerance on political grounds”, including the “cancellation of the liberal creed of free and equal discussion”. He argued that when people in power talk about “free speech” or “civil liberties”, it is simply a ploy to protect their privilege. Minorities are powerless, so they must be given special privileges. This re-balancing is more important than civil liberties. Revolutionaries understand this priority; others will need to be re-educated.

Theodor Adorno took over as Director of IfS in 1953. He and Max Horkheimer shared the conviction that the influence wielded by academia, the law, the church and the press in propping up the capitalist establishment could be undermined by Critical Theory. Their target was the whole framework of ideas upholding liberal Western societies. They were convinced that the problem with liberalism (free societies) was that people were free to sort themselves into hierarchies. Societies need certain hierarchies of competence if the systems on which civilisation rests are going to function efficiently. But Adorno viewed all hierarchies with suspicion, describing them as illusory harmonies. People may imagine it is great for society to function efficiently. In reality, he insisted, the pseudo-stability of Western capitalism disguises the rotten reality. Multitudes are psychologically oppressed by inequality. In order to end the oppression, the stability of society must be shaken. The ideas underpinning it must be challenged. You can do that if you undermine people’s confidence in universal truth. Four steps can be identified:

Step 1: Persuade people that they’re trapped in a ‘false consciousness’ They may think they’re happy, but they’re not! They’re being exploited by self-interested powerful forces. Horkheimer and Adorno co-authored The Dialectic of Enlightenment (1947), which argued that Western culture (films, music, radio and magazines) seduced people into accepting the establishment. They are trapped in a false consciousness and need to be awakened to their plight.

Step 2: Persuade people that the institutions that hold society together (family, schools, church, associations, government) are evil and exploitative In 1950, Adorno published The Authoritarian Personality. The traditional family was presented as a repressive institution which brainwashed people into giving up individual liberty. It conditioned people into accepting authority, which made them susceptible to submitting to dictators. All traditional ideas about the family, religion and patriotism were presented as pathological. All authority, whether in state, home, school, church or the workplace was viewed as fascist.

Step 3: Undermine belief in absolute morality Adorno redefined the concept of ‘phobia’ (an irrational fear) to make it refer to moral disapproval of certain behaviours. He associated ‘phobia’ with bigotry. That was a master-stroke in manipulation of language. If you control the language you control the debate. It became acceptable to assume that people who believe that certain behaviours are immoral have ‘phobias’ against people in minority groups. They act as an oppressor class, keeping the oppressed class down.

Step 4: Tell people that free speech is dangerous What if some stubborn people continue to believe in absolute morality and ultimate truth? They cannot be tolerated. They must be silenced.

Underlying every aspect of thinking at the Frankfurt School was Horkheimer’s conviction that there is no transcendent reality, and no God. The world of perception is a product of human activity. We make our own reality. Horkheimer coined the term Critical Theory, and hostility to Christianity is hardwired into this way of thinking. Truth, morality, justice, and ideas about universal human rights are all believed to be human constructs rather than transcendent and eternal realities. They have been framed in order to help sustain the status quo (or hegemony). There is no God. Humans constructed ideals such as ‘universal rights’ or ‘free speech’. We can deconstruct them too.

The School included among its members the 1960s guru of the New Left Herbert Marcuse — denounced by Pope Paul VI for his theory of liberation which “opens the way for [sexual] licence cloaked as liberty” — Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, the popular writer Erich Fromm, Leo Lowenthal, and Jurgen Habermas. All these individuals except Habermas were of Jewish origin. the Frankfurt School believed that as long as an individual had the belief — or even the hope of belief — that his divine gift of reason could solve the problems facing society, then that society would never reach the state of hopelessness and alienation that they considered necessary to provoke a socialist revolution.

The Revolution won’t happen with guns, rather it will happen incrementally, year by year, generation by generation. We will gradually infiltrate their educational institutions and their political offices, transforming them slowly into Marxist entities as we move towards universal egalitarianism.

To undermine Western civilisation, the Frankfurt School called for the most negative and destructive criticism possible of every sphere of life. To de-stabilise society and bring it to its knees, to engineer collapse, to produce crisis and catastrophe — this became the aim of these maladjusted and mentally sick revolutionaries masquerading as high-powered intellectuals. Their policies, they hoped, would spread like a virus — “continuing the work of the Western Marxists by other means”, as one of their members noted.

[after learning of his] “classroom antics, I have come to wonder – along with many another veteran of World War II – if Hitler wasn’t right after all.”.

One of the main ideas of the Frankfurt School was to exploit Freud’s idea of “pansexualism”: the search for indiscriminate sexual pleasure, the promotion of “unisex”, the blurring of distinctions between the sexes, the overthrowing of traditional relationships between men and women, and, finally, the undermining of heterosexuality at the expense of homosexuality — as, for example, in the idea of “same-sex marriage” and the adoption of children by homosexual couples. According to Sean McMeekin’s The Red Millionaire: A political biography of Willi Münzenberg, Münzenberg was “the perpetrator of some of the most colossal lies of the modern age…. He helped unleash a plague of moral blindness upon the world from which we have still not recovered.”.

We must organise the intellectuals and use them to make Western civilisation stink.

The Frankfurt School believed there were two types of revolution: (a) Political revolution and (b) Cultural revolution. They were more concerned with cultural revolution, the demolition of the established order from within. “Modern forms of subjection are marked by mildness”, they taught. So-called “reforms” were to be made so slowly and subtly that these changes for the worse were barely perceptible. The School saw the undermining of the social order as a long-term project. The School’s Critical Theory preached that the “authoritarian personality” was a product of the patriarchal family — an idea directly linked to Engels’ Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State, which promoted matriarchy.

To further the advance of their ‘quiet’ cultural revolution – but giving us no ideas about their plans for the future – the School recommended (among other things):

1. The creation of racism offences.
2. Continual change to create confusion.
3. The teaching of sex and homosexuality to children.
4. The undermining of schools’ and teachers’ authority.
5. Huge immigration to destroy identity.
6. The promotion of excessive drinking.
7. Emptying of churches.
8. An unreliable legal system with bias against victims of crime.
9. Dependency on the state or state benefits.
10. Control and dumbing down of media.
11. Encouraging the breakdown of the family.

One of the main ideas of the Frankfurt School was to exploit Freud’s idea of ‘pansexualism’ – the search for pleasure, the exploitation of the differences between the sexes, the overthrowing of traditional relationships between men and women. To further their aims they would:

• attack the authority of the father, deny the specific roles of father and mother, and wrest away from families their rights as primary educators of their children.
• abolish differences in the education of boys and girls.
• abolish all forms of male dominance – hence the presence of women in the armed forces.
• declare women to be an ‘oppressed class’ and men as ‘oppressors’.

Already Karl Marx had written, in the Communist Manifesto (1848), about the radical notion of a “community of women”. In The German Ideology (1845), he had written disparagingly about the idea of the family as the basic unit of society. This was one of the basic tenets of the Critical Theory: the need to break down the family unit. The Institute scholars therefore preached that “Even a partial breakdown of parental authority in the family might tend to increase the readiness of a coming generation to accept social change.”. All this prepared the way for the warfare against the masculine gender promoted by Marcuse under the guise of “Women’s liberation” and by the New Left movement in the 1960s.

The white race is the cancer of human history.

They proposed transforming our culture into a female-dominated one. In 1933, Wilhelm Reich, an honored and adulated member of the Frankfurt School, wrote in The Mass Psychology of Fascism that matriarchy was the only genuine family type of “natural society.” He was, as such, to be an inspiration to the feminists. This versatile sexual deviant, now a cult figure on the left, along with the equally sex-obsessed Herbert Marcuse—populariser of the slogan MAKE LOVE, NOT WAR—were to be godfathers of the Sexual Revolution of the 1960s as well as the patron saints of the Feminist movement.

Bertrand Russell was to join the Frankfurt School in their efforts at mass social engineering. He spilled the beans in his 1951 book,The Impact of Science on Society. He wrote:

The social psychologists of the future will have a number of classes of school children on whom they will try different methods of producing an unshakable conviction that snow is black. Various results will soon be arrived at. First, that the influence of home is obstructive. Second, that not much can be done unless indoctrination begins before the age of ten. Third, that verses set to music and repeatedly intoned are very effective. Fourth, that the opinion that snow is white must be held to show a morbid taste for eccentricity. But I anticipate. It is for future scientists to make these maxims precise and discover exactly how much it costs per head to make children believe that snow is black, and how much less it would cost to make them believe it is dark gray. When the technique has been perfected, every government that has been in charge of education for a generation will be able to control its subjects securely without the need of armies or policemen.

Adorno was to become head of a ‘music studies’ unit, where in his Theory of Modern Music he promoted the prospect of unleashing atonal and other popular music as a weapon to destroy society, degenerate forms of music to promote mental illness. He said the US could be brought to its knees by the use of radio and television to promote a culture of pessimism and despair – by the late 1930s he (together with Horkheimer) had migrated to Hollywood.

I'd rather be hated for who I am, than loved for who I am not.”. "A friend is nothing but a known enemy.

In his book The Closing of the American Mind, Alan Bloom observed how Marcuse appealed to university students in the sixties with a combination of Marx and Freud. In Eros and Civilization and One Dimensional Man Marcuse promised that the overcoming of capitalism and its false consciousness will result in a society where the greatest satisfactions are sexual. Rock music touches the same chord in the young. Free sexual expression, anarchism, mining of the irrational unconscious and giving it free rein are what they have in common.’.

In 1953 the Institute moved back to the University of Frankfurt. Adorno died in 1955 and Horkheimer in 1973. The Institute of Social Research continued, but what was known as the Frankfurt School did not. The ‘cultural Marxism’ that has since taken hold of our schools and universities – that ‘political correctness’, which has been destroying our family bonds, our religious tradition and our entire culture sprang from the Frankfurt School. It was these intellectuals who promoted the dialectic of ‘negative’ criticism; it was these theoreticians who dreamed of a utopia where their rules governed. It was their concept that led to the current fad for the rewriting of history, and to the vogue for ‘deconstruction’.

Their mantras:

sexual differences are a contract; if it feels good, do it; do your own thing.

In an address at the US Naval Academy in August 1999, Dr Gerald L. Atkinson, CDR USN (Ret), gave a background briefing on the Frankfurt School, reminding his audience that it was the ‘foot soldiers’ of the Frankfurt School who introduced the ‘sensitivity training’ techniques used in public schools over the past 30 years (and now employed by the US military to educate the troops about ‘sexual harassment’). During ‘sensitivity’ training teachers were told not to teach but to ‘facilitate.’ Classrooms became centres of self-examination where children talked about their own subjective feelings. This technique was designed to convince children they were the sole authority in their own lives.

Atkinson continued: ‘The Authoritarian personality,’ studied by the Frankfurt School in the 1940s and 1950s in America, prepared the way for the subsequent warfare against the masculine gender promoted by Herbert Marcuse and his band of social revolutionaries under the guise of ‘women’s liberation’ and the New Left movement in the 1960s. The evidence that psychological techniques for changing personality is intended to mean emasculation of the American male is provided by Abraham Maslow, founder of Third Force Humanist Psychology and a promoter of the psychotherapeutic classroom, who wrote that, ‘… the next step in personal evolution is a transcendence of both masculinity and femininity to general humanness.’

On April 17th, 1962, Maslow gave a lecture to a group of nuns at Sacred Heart, a Catholic women’s college in Massachusetts. He noted in a diary entry how the talk had been very ‘successful,’ but he found that very fact troubling. ‘They shouldn’t applaud me,’ he wrote, ‘they should attack. If they were fully aware of what I was doing, they would [attack]’ (Journals, p. 157).

If we allow their subversion of values and interests to continue, we will, in future generations, lose all that our ancestors suffered and died for. We are forewarned, says Atkinson. A reading of history (it is all in mainstream historical accounts) tells us that we are about to lose the most precious thing we have—our individual freedoms. Unlike hard-line Marxists, the Frankfurt School do not make any plans for the future. (But) the Frankfurt School seems to be more far-sighted that our classical liberals and secularists. At least they see the moral deviations they promote will in the end make social life impossible or intolerable. But this leaves a big question mark over what a future conducted by them would be like.

The Red Army Faction also known as the Baader–Meinhof Group or Baader–Meinhof Gang was a West German far-left militant group founded in 1970. The RAF described itself as a communist and anti-imperialist urban guerrilla group. It was engaged in armed resistance against what it considered a fascist state. Members of the RAF generally used the Marxist–Leninist term faction when they wrote in English. Early leadership included Andreas Baader, Ulrike Meinhof, Gudrun Ensslin, and Horst Mahler. The West German government considered the RAF a terrorist organisation.

The RAF engaged in a series of bombings, assassinations, kidnappings, bank robberies, and shoot-outs with police over the course of three decades. Its activities peaked in late 1977, which led to a national crisis that became known as the "German Autumn". The RAF has been held responsible for 34 deaths, including industrialist Hanns Martin Schleyer, the Dresdner Bank head Jürgen Ponto, federal prosecutor Siegfried Buback, police officers, American servicemen stationed in Germany, as well as many secondary targets, such as chauffeurs and bodyguards, with many others injured throughout its almost thirty years of activity; 26 RAF members or supporters were killed.

Although better-known, the RAF conducted fewer attacks than the Revolutionary Cells, which is held responsible for 296 bomb attacks, arson and other attacks between 1973 and 1995. The group was motivated by leftist political concerns and the perceived failure of their parents' generation to confront Germany's Nazi past, and received support from Stasi and other Eastern Bloc security services. Sometimes, the group is talked about in terms of generations:

1. the "first generation", which consisted of Baader, Ensslin, Meinhof and others;
2. the "second generation", after the majority of the first generation was arrested in 1972; and
3. the "third generation", which existed in the 1980s and 1990s up to 1998, after the first generation died in Stammheim maximum security prison in 1977.

On 20 April 1998, an eight-page typewritten letter in German was faxed to the Reuters news agency, signed "RAF" with the submachine-gun red star, declaring that the group had dissolved. In 1999, after a robbery in Duisburg, evidence pointing to Ernst-Volker Staub and Daniela Klette was found, causing an official investigation into a re-founding. The usual translation into English is the "Red Army Faction"; however, the founders wanted it to reflect not a splinter group but rather an embryonic militant unit that was embedded, in or part of, a wider communist workers' movement,[c] i.e., a fraction of a whole.

The origins of the group can be traced back to the 1968 student protest movement in West Germany. Industrialised nations in the late 1960s experienced social upheavals related to the maturing of the "baby boomers", the Cold War, and the end of colonialism. Newly-found youth identity and issues such as racism, women's liberation, and anti-imperialism were at the forefront of left-wing politics. Many young people were alienated from their parents and the institutions of the state. The historical legacy of Nazism drove a wedge between the generations and increased suspicion of authoritarian structures in society (some analysts see the same occurring in post-fascism Italy, giving rise to "Brigate Rosse").

In West Germany there was anger among leftist youth at the post-war denazification in West Germany and East Germany, a process which these leftists perceived as a failure or as ineffective, as former (actual and supposed) Nazis held positions in government and the economy. The Communist Party of Germany had been outlawed since 1956. Elected and appointed government positions down to the local level were often occupied by ex-Nazis. Konrad Adenauer, the first Federal Republic chancellor (in office 1949–1963), had even appointed former Nazi sympathiser Hans Globke as Director of the Federal Chancellery of West Germany (in office 1953–1963).

The radicals regarded the conservative media as biased – at the time conservatives such as Axel Springer, who was implacably opposed to student radicalism, owned and controlled the conservative media including all of the most influential mass-circulation tabloid newspapers. The emergence of the Grand Coalition between the two main parties, the SPD and CDU, with former Nazi Party member Kurt Georg Kiesinger as chancellor, occurred in 1966. This horrified many on the left and was viewed as a monolithic, political marriage of convenience with pro-NATO, pro-capitalist collusion on the part of the social democratic SPD. With about 90% of the Bundestag controlled by the coalition, an Extra-Parliamentary Opposition (APO) was formed with the intent of generating protest and political activity outside of government. In 1972 a law was passed – the Radikalenerlass – that banned radicals or those with a "questionable" political persuasion from public sector jobs.

Some radicals used the supposed association of large parts of society with Nazism as an argument against any peaceful approaches:

They'll kill us all. You know what kind of pigs we're up against. This is the Auschwitz generation. You can't argue with people who made Auschwitz. They have weapons and we haven't. We must arm ourselves!.

The radicalised were, like many in the New Left, influenced by:

• Sociological developments, together with the background of counter-cultural movements.
• Post-war writings on class society and empire as well as contemporary Marxist critiques from many revolutionaries such as Frantz Fanon, Ho Chi Minh, and Che Guevara, as well as early Autonomism.
• Philosophers associated with the Frankfurt school (Jürgen Habermas, Herbert Marcuse, and Oskar Negt in particular) and associated Marxist philosophers.

Red Army Faction

Red Army Faction (RAF) founder Ulrike Meinhof had a long history in the Communist Party. Holger Meins had studied film and was a veteran of the Berlin revolt; his short feature How To Produce A Molotov Cocktail was seen by huge audiences. Jan Carl Raspe lived at the Kommune 2; Horst Mahler was an established lawyer but also at the center of the anti-Springer revolt from the beginning. From their own personal experiences and assessments of the socio-economic situation they soon became more specifically influenced by Leninism and Maoism, calling themselves "Marxist–Leninist" though they effectively added to or updated this ideological tradition. A contemporaneous critique of the Red Army Faction's view of the state, published in a pirate edition of Le Monde Diplomatique, ascribed to it "state-fetishism" – an ideologically obsessive misreading of bourgeois dynamics and the nature and role of the state in post-WWII societies, including West Germany.

It is claimed that property destruction during the Watts riots in the United States in 1965 influenced the practical and ideological approach of the RAF founders, as well as some of those in Situationist circles. According to one former RAF member, in meetings with KGB in Dresden the group was also met by Vladimir Putin, then KGB resident in East Germany. In these meetings RAF members would discuss weapons that were needed for their activities, and pass a "shopping list" to the KGB. The writings of Antonio Gramsci and Herbert Marcuse were drawn upon. Gramsci wrote on power, cultural, and ideological conflicts in society and institutions – real-time class struggles playing out in rapidly developing industrial nation states through interlinked areas of political behavior.

Marcuse wrote on coercion and hegemony in that cultural indoctrination and ideological manipulation through the means of communication ("repressive tolerance") dispensed with the need for complete brute force in modern 'liberal democracies'. His One-Dimensional Man was addressed to the restive students of the sixties. Marcuse argued that only marginal groups of students and poor alienated workers could effectively resist the system. Both Gramsci and Marcuse came to the conclusion that analyzing the ideological underpinnings and the 'superstructure' of society was vitally important to understanding class control (and acquiescence). This Gramscian and Marcusian contribution could perhaps be seen as an extension of Marx's work, as he did not cover this area in detail.

The Red Army Faction was formed with the intention of complementing the plethora of revolutionary and radical groups across West Germany and Europe, as a more class conscious and determined force compared with some of its contemporaries. The members and supporters were already associated with the 'Revolutionary Cells' and 2 June Movement as well as radical currents and phenomena such as the Socialist Patients' Collective, Kommune 1, and the Situationists. Many members of the RAF operated through a single contact or only knew others by their codenames. Actions were carried out by active units called 'commandos', with trained members being supplied by a quartermaster in order to carry out their mission. For more long-term or core cadre members, isolated cell-like organization was absent or took on a more flexible form.

PraXis School

The praxis school was a Marxist humanist philosophical movement, whose members became influenced by Western Marxism. It originated in Zagreb and Belgrade in the SFR Yugoslavia, during the 1960s. Prominent figures among the school's founders include Gajo Petrović and Milan Kangrga of Zagreb and Mihailo Marković of Belgrade. From 1964 to 1974 they published the Marxist journal praxis, which was renowned as one of the leading international journals in Marxist theory. The group also organised the widely popular Korčula Summer School on the island of Korčula.

Due to the tumultuous sociopolitical conditions in the 1960s, the affirmation of 'authentic' Marxist theory and praxis, and its humanist and dialectical aspects in particular, was an urgent task for philosophers working across the SFRY. There was a need to respond to the kind of modified Marxism-Leninism enforced by the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (see Titoism). To vocalise and therefore begin to satisfy this need, the program of praxis school defined in French in the first issue of the International edition of praxis: A quoi bon praxis. Predrag Vranicki (“On the problem of Practice”) and Danko Grlić (“Practice and Dogma”) expanded this program in English in the same issue (praxis, 1965, 1, pounds. 41–48 and pp. 49–58).

“Ironically enough, the only people who can hold up indefinitely under the stress of modern war are psychotics. Individual insanity is immune to the consequences of collective insanity.”.

The praxis philosophers considered Leninism and Stalinism to be apologetic due to their ad hoc nature. Leninist and Stalinist theories considered to be unfaithful to the Marxist theory, as they were adjusted according to the needs of the party elite and intolerant of ideological criticism. The defining features of the school were: 1) emphasis on the writings of the young Marx; and 2) call for freedom of speech in both East and West, based upon Marx's insistence on ruthless social critique. As Erich Fromm has argued in his preface to Marković's work From Affluence to praxis, the theory of the praxis theoreticians was to “return to the real Marx as against the Marx equally distorted by right wing social democrats and Stalinists”.

“Socialism is precisely the religion that must overwhelm Christianity. … In the new order, Socialism will triumph by first capturing the culture via infiltration of schools, universities, churches and the media by transforming the consciousness of society.”.

Another defining feature of the praxis theory is the incorporation of existential philosophy into the praxis brand of Marxist social critique, spearheaded by Rudi Supek. Organising Korčula Summer School and publishing the international edition of praxis were ways to promote open inquiry in accordance with these postulates. Erich Fromm's collection of articles from 1965 entitled Socialist Humanism: An International Symposium has been of much help in promoting the praxis school. As many as six members of the praxis school have published articles in this collection: Marković, Petrović, Danilo Pejović, Veljko Korać, Rudi Supek and Predrag Vranicki. The praxis journal is published by a group of praxis theoreticians, mainly from the departments of Sociology and Philosophy at Zagreb University and the Philosophy department at Belgrade University. The first issue of the Yugoslav edition published on 1 September 1964 and was published until 1974. As for the foreign edition, it was published between 1965 and 1973.

Its founders were:

praxis helped to reinvigorate the destructive potential of Marxism. It drew inspiration from the works of Antonio Gramsci, Karl Korsch, Georg Lukács, Ernst Bloch, Herbert Marcuse, Erich Fromm and Lucien Goldmann. The texts in the magazine featured articles by writers from both the East and the West. praxis editors had a strong tendency to publish articles that went against the Leninist theory and praxis promoted and enforced by the League of Communists of Yugoslavia.

Korčula Summer School was a meeting place for philosophers and social critics from the entire world. Some prominent attendees included:

Ernst Bloch, Eugen Fink, Erich Fromm, Herbert Marcuse, Jürgen Habermas, Henri Lefebvre, Richard J. Bernstein, Lucien Goldmann and Shlomo Avineri, to name a few.

Other notable participants included A. J. Ayer, Norman Birnbaum and Lucien Goldmann. Another peculiarity is that one of the attendants was from the Vatican, Father Gustav Wetter, which testifies to the fact that Korčula Summer School was not merely a Marxist symposium—the attendees held interests ranging from phenomenology to theology.

New School

The New School is a leftist institute in Greenwich Village New York, founded by John Dewey in 1919, as part of Columbia University of the Colonna Family of Roman Emperors (a powerful in medieval and Renaissance Rome, supplying one pope Martin V (last pope to date to take on the pontifical name "Martin" elected pope, at the age of 48, at the Council of Constance on St. Martin's Day, 11 November 1417.) and many other church and political leaders). The New School had ties to the Frankfurt School.

During WW2 Henry Murray (who later worked with Ted Kaczynski at Harvard) made a report on Adolf Hitler for OSS director William Donavan, in collaboration with The New School and Ernst Hanfstaengl (friend of William Hearst, Roosevelt family, Walter Lippman). The New School uses "To the Living Spirit" as its motto. In 1937, Thomas Mann remarked that a plaque bearing the inscription "be the Living Spirit" had been torn down by the NSDAP from a building at the University of Heidelberg. He suggested that the University in Exile adopt that inscription as its motto, to indicate that the 'living spirit,' mortally threatened in Europe, would have a home in this country. Alvin Johnson adopted that idea, and the motto continues to guide the division in its present-day endeavors.

The Graduate Faculty of Political and Social Science was founded in 1933 as the University in Exile for scholars who had been dismissed from teaching positions by the Italian fascists under Mussolini or had to flee Hitler's NSDAP Germany. The school was co-founded by was founded by Alvin Johnson, Charles Beard (New Deal socialism of Roosevelt, married to feminist Mary Ritter), James Harvey Robinson (New History, revionist), Horace Kallen (Zionist, Harvard, friend of Woodrow Wilson) and John Dewey. Zionist Harold Laski was one of the first lecturers.

Notable scholars associated with the University in Exile include psychologists Erich Fromm, Max Wertheimer and Aron Gurwitsch, political theorists Hannah Arendt and Leo Strauss, and philosopher Hans Jonas. The list of New School people below includes notable students, alumni, faculty, administrators and trustees of the New School. Approximately 53,000 living New School alumni reside in more than 112 countries.

“The simplest surrealist act consists, with revolvers in hand, of descending into the street and shooting at random, as much as possible, into the crowd”.

“One can rightfully speak of a Cultural Revolution since the protest is directed toward the whole cultural establishment including the morality of existing society, what we must undertake is a type of diffuse and dispersed disintegration of the system”.